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święte słowa, tylko konfidenci gloryfikują konfidentów... a kto gloryfikuje niewolnictwo? Niewolnik, kandydat na pana czy idiota?

Boruta ma racje pisząc że rządzący wykorzystali chłopów, część elit wykorzystała ich do rozprawienia się z drugą częścią Z drugiej strony to co pisze o pańszczyźnie to kompletne brednie. Co było "początkowo lepszym układem"??? Zlikwidowanie ustroju gminnego gdzie żyli wolni "kmiecie" w wolnych gminach na terenach późniejszej Polski polączone z ludobójstwem po nieudanym chłopskim powstaniu z X wieku, które było tak samo antyfeudalne, jak i antychrześcijańskie i antypaństwowe? Tak zaczynały się feudalizm i państwo. nie 500 lat wcześniej jak pisze w tekście tylko 1000
Sam się poucz historii, dopiero potem pouczaj innych.

A na temat samej rabacji galicyjskiej dobrze napisał Bakunin, ze podobnie jak w paru innych przypadkach to było wykorzystanie socjalistycznych dążeń i sprzeciwu wobec ucisku przez jednych wyzyskiwaczy przeciwko innym. Wykorzystanie rewolucjonizmu do kontrrewolucyjnych celów. W Polsce to było łatwiejsze bo elity władzy było podzielone na polskie i zaborców

Bakunin Listy do Francuza, chyba nie ma polskiego tłumaczenia

I am not at all disturbed by the seeming Bonapartist sympathies of the French peasants. Such sympathies are merely a superficial manifestation of deep socialist sentiments, distorted by ignorance and the malevolent propaganda of the exploiters; a rash of measles, which will yield to the determined treatment of revolutionary socialism. The peasants will donate neither their land nor their money nor their lives just to keep Napoleon III on his throne; but they are willing to kill the rich and to take and give their property to the Emperor because they hate the rich in general. They harbor the thoroughgoing and intense socialistic hatred of laboring men against the men of leisure, the “upper crust.” I recall a tragic incident, where the peasants in the commune of Dordogne burned a young aristocratic landowner. The quarrel began when a peasant said: “Ah! noble sir, you stay comfortably and peacefully at home because you are rich; you have money and we are going to send your wealth to the poor and use it for the war. Very well, let us go to your house, and see what we can find there!” In these few words we can see the living expression of the traditional rancor of the peasant against the rich landlord, but not by any means the fanatical desire to sacrifice themselves and kill for the Emperor; on the contrary, they naturally try to escape military service.

This is not the first time that a government has exploited for its own purposes the legitimate hatred of the peasants for the rich landholders and urban bourgeoisie. For example, at the end of the eighteenth century, Cardinal Ruffo, of bloody memory, incited an insurrection of the peasants of Calabria against the newly installed liberal republican government of Naples... The Calabrian peasants began by looting the castles [estates] and the city mansions of the wealthy bourgeois, but took nothing from the people. In 1846, the agents of Prince Metternich engineered an insurrection of the peasants of Galicia against the powerful Polish aristocrats and landlords, who themselves were plotting a nationalistic insurrection; and before that, the Empress Catherine [the Great] of Russia encouraged the Ukrainian peasants to kill thousands of Polish nobles. Finally, in 1786, the Russian government organized a “jacquerie” [peasant revolt] in the Ukraine against the Polish patriots, most of them nobles.

You see. then, that the rulers, these official guardians of public order. property, and personal security, had no scruples about using these deceptive methods when it suited their purposes. The peasants are made revolutionary by necessity, by the intolerable realities of their lives; their violent hatreds, their socialist passions have been exploited, illegitimately diverted to support the reactionaries. And we, the revolutionary socialists, could we not direct these same passions toward their true end, to an objective in perfect harmony with the deep-seated needs that aroused these passions? I repeat, these instincts are profoundly socialist because they express the irrepressible conflict between the workers and the exploiters of labor, and the very essence of socialism, the real, natural inner core of all socialism, lies there. The rest, the different systems of economic and social organization, are only experimental, tentative, more or less scientific – and, unfortunately, often too doctrinaire – manifestations of this primitive and fundamental instinct of the people.

If we really want to be practical; if, tired of daydreaming, we want to promote the Revolution; we must rid ourselves of a number of dogmatic bourgeois prejudices which all too many city workers unfortunately echo. Because the city worker is more informed than the peasant, he often regards peasants as inferiors and talks to them like a bourgeois snob. But nothing enrages people more than mockery and contempt, and the peasant reacts to the city worker’s sneers with bitter hatred. This is most unfortunate, for this contempt and hatred divide the people into two antagonistic camps, each paralyzing and undermining the other. In fact, there is no real conflict of interests between these two camps; there is only an immense and tragic gulf which must be bridged at all costs.

http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/bakunin/works/1870/letter-fren...